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Combatting the Rise of China: A Center-Right Realist Approach

  • Writer: Andrew Thompson
    Andrew Thompson
  • Jul 26
  • 5 min read

The Problem

The rise of China poses a critical policy challenge that the President of the United States

must address. Under Xi Jinping, Beijing has significantly expanded its military capabilities, with

defense spending more than tripling since 2008. Following this aggressive posturing, China is

pursuing asymmetric military threats and coercion in the South China Sea. These trends raise the

risk of conflict, particularly regarding Taiwan, where U.S. commitments, regional stability, and

global economic security intersect. Additionally, China’s use of unfair trade practices, cyber

intrusions, and intellectual-property violations harm American businesses by undermining U.S.

economic competitiveness and technological leadership.


In recent years, the U.S. has employed a mix of engagement and pressure in its approach

to China. Specifically, the Trump Administration utilized mixed signals and vague actions in

their approach, an obscurity by design, to catch China off guard and force President Xi to the

negotiation table. Accordingly, they hosted summits and signed executive orders to discuss the

ongoing trade war with China. Nonetheless, the overall strategy remained fragmented across

economic, technological, and security domains.


A coherent strategy to manage long-term competition with China must address military,

economic, and technological dimensions in a timely manner. Therefore, U.S. policymakers must

craft a coordinated, effective and time-efficient package.


Policy Options

Option 1: Strengthen diplomatic engagement by pursuing smart competition

The first option involves strengthening U.S. diplomacy with China through a smart

competition strategy. Smart competition focuses on reinforcing U.S. strengths, while managing

areas of disagreement and identifying opportunities for cooperation on shared interests. Under

this plan, the President would appoint a special liaison to Beijing to stabilize the relationship,

establish a joint crisis hotline, and propose a joint roundtable. Through these mechanisms,

leaders in Beijing and Washington could cooperate on priority issues such as climate policy,

countering North Korea’s nuclear program, and infrastructure investment. In addition to

enhancing diplomatic relations with China, this policy requires the U.S. to strengthen

coordination with allies in Europe and East Asia to pursue a unified approach toward Beijing.

Nonetheless, the U.S. will also use the international stage to call out China when China harms

U.S. interests.


A smart-competition approach would increase U.S. leverage by linking cooperation to

mutual interests, serving as a deterrent to escalation. Moreover, it would strengthen alliances and

reassure global partners after recent periods of uncertainty. Nonetheless, the policy poses the risk

of increased interdependence with China, which could limit the President’s flexibility in

adjusting the relationship over time. Additionally, the policy requires careful implementation to

avoid undercutting core American values and commitments.


Option 2: Solidify President Trump’s hardline approach by increasing competition

The second option involves solidifying President Trump’s hardline approach to China by

intensifying various policies. Specifically, the intelligence community would ramp up

intelligence gathering to target individuals and businesses for sanctions. The President would

sign an executive order to increase tariffs on select goods and services imported from China. The Department of War would conduct joint military exercises with Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan

in the South China Sea to defend the waters, increase the stationing of planes and ships in the

region, and provide security guarantees for Asian allies. The U.S. Congress would propose

legislation to toughen technology transfers and counter unfair trade and investment practices.

Finally, the U.S. as a whole will officially label China as an adversary rather than a competitor.


Pursuing a hardline approach would level the global playing field by punishing unfair

trade practices and human rights violations. Additionally, tariffs and sanctions would weaken

China’s economy, thereby weakening the Chinese military. Nonetheless, the strategy poses the

risks of disrupting global supply chains and tariffs harming the U.S. economy by raising prices

for consumers. In fact, reduced diplomatic leverage might strengthen China’s role as a security

threat.


Option 3: Support economic resilience by rebuilding American power at home

The final option emphasizes prioritizing U.S. domestic renewal as the foundation of

long-term strategic competition, reducing reliance on direct confrontation with China. Under this

approach, Congress would pass legislation to expand federal investment in manufacturing,

artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and telecommunications. The administration would

also work to streamline defense procurement, modernize supply chains for critical minerals and

semiconductors, and restructure STEM education and workforce-training programs, including

reauthorizing the WIOA. To protect its democracy from Chinese influence, the U.S. would

enhance election security, expand counter-intelligence capabilities, and increase its defense

budget.


The investments inherent to option three would strengthen the U.S. economy and

diminish its dependence on global supply chains, empowering the United States to compete with

China from a position of structural strength. However, the policy carries the same risks as option

two, in addition to isolating allies and inadvertently enabling China to gain additional influence

in developing nations and Eastern Asia. Furthermore, the package requires substantial funding

costs, which could be partially offset by revenue from job creation.


Recommendation

An analysis of the benefits and risks proves that none of the policies on their own are

ideal in countering the rise of China. While option one is the strongest for balancing engagement

with deterrence, option two is strong in exerting maximum immediate pressure. Option three is

strong for long-term competition, but insufficient alone for short-term deterrence.


Accordingly, this memorandum recommends a balanced, hybrid approach that blends

option one with aspects of option two. Specifically, the U.S. will employ a smart competition

strategy, including the appointment of the special liaison, establishment of a joint crisis hotline,

and creation of a roundtable for cooperative initiatives, complemented by targeted sanctions and

tariffs to encourage China to negotiate in good faith. The U.S. will coordinate with allies to

pursue a joint agenda and enhance credibility.


This recommendation carries the benefits of both options, while downplaying their risks.

Regarding the trade-offs of option one, the hybrid model would strengthen alliances, reassuring

partners around the globe after recent periods of uncertainty, but maintaining standards and

redlines would allow the President’s flexibility in adjusting the relationship over time. Regarding

option two, this recommendation punishes unfair trade practices and IP violations, but does not

isolate allies or provide China an opportunity to gain the upper hand in the region.

Overall, a hybrid strategy provides the President with a coordinated, timely, and

efficacious course of action to manage U.S. competition with China.


References

Carafano, J. J. (2023, April 26). The United States lacks consensus on China policy. GIS Reports

Corr, A. (2020, April). Defeating China: Five strategies. Journal of Political Risk, 8(4).

Greer, T. (2025, March 27). Obscurity by design: Competing priorities for America’ s China

policy. Foreign Policy Research Institute.

Jones, B. (2020, February). China and the return of great power strategic competition. The

Brookings Institution.

etition_jones.pdf

Lewis, J. A. (2018, March 22). How much have the Chinese actually taken? Center for Strategic

and International Studies.

O’Rourke, R. (2024, August 26). U.S.–China strategic competition in South and East China

Seas: Background and issues for Congress (CRS Report R42784). Congressional

Stangler, D., & Cardinal Brown, T. (2022, November 14). So you want to “beat” China: Here

are 3 ways. Bipartisan Policy Center.

Task Force on U.S.-China Policy. (2017, February). U.S. policy toward China: Recommendations

for a new administration. Asia Society & 21st Century China Center, University of

Task Force on U.S.-China Policy. (2019, February 12). Course Correction: Toward an Effective

and Sustainable China Policy. Asia Society & 21st Century China Center, University of

California San Diego.

ustainable-china-policy

Terazawa, T. (2024, December 17). Five ways to counter China’ s economic might. The National

Interest.

1 Comment


Jacob Hawley
Jacob Hawley
Aug 07

This is a very good breakdown on the whole China situation and I think it's very complicated! Let's hope that future generations will be able to balance this issue and situation fairly and with good ideas.

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